DC likely to argue it is a "Sensitive Place" in appeal of court decision….

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ezkl2230

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If it follows through with the line of argument it appears to be following, DC will likely appeal the recent decision to overturn its firearms carry ban by, essentially, claiming protection under DC v Heller as a "sensitive place," like a post office or other government buildings/installations:

Respectfully, there can be no doubt that the District has raised a very serious question onthe merits. Neither the Supreme Court nor the D.C. Circuit has determined that the Second
Amendment extends beyond the home. Plaintiffs appear to contend otherwise, see P.Mem. 4, but
refer only to the implications of various Supreme Court dicta and, subsequently, implicitly
concede the point by discussing what the Supreme Court “would” do in the future on that specific issue.
Id. at 6. See, e.g., Williams v. State, 10 A.3d 1167, 1177 (Md. 2011) (“t is clear
that prohibition of firearms in the home was the gravamen of the certiorari questions in both
[District of Columbia v. Heller, 554 U.S. 570 (2008) (“Heller I”)] and [McDonald v. Chicago,
130 S. Ct. 3020 (2010)] and their answers. If the Supreme Court, in this dicta, meant its holding
to extend beyond home possession, it will need to say so more plainly.”), cert. denied, 132 S. Ct.
93 (2011).2


Plaintiffs additionally argue that the District’s arguments regarding Moore v. Madigan,
702 F.3d 933 (7th Cir. 2012), are “disingenuous.” P.Mem. at 6. Here, too, plaintiffs are incorrect.
Only one circuit—the Seventh—has extended the Second Amendment right beyond the home in
a jurisdiction (Illinois) that had not already, historically, recognized some form of public
carrying. No court has addressed a ban on public carrying as unique as the District’s—a point
plaintiffs do not rebut. The fact that the District’s law is “exceedingly rare” does not mean it is
unconstitutional.


The Court, ignoring the historical evidence regarding public carrying laws presented by
the District, see Doc. Nos. 33, 33-1, found that carrying handguns in public was not only within
the scope of the Second Amendment, but at its core, and then declined to engage in the second
step of the analysis, i.e., determining whether the prohibition withstands the appropriate level of
scrutiny. See Heller v. District of Columbia, 670 F.3d 1244, 1252 (D.C. Cir. 2011) (“Heller II”).
This, respectfully, was error.


The historical evidence demonstrates that the Second Amendment’s right to keep and
bear arms, as understood at the time of ratification, did not include an unalloyed right to carry
operable firearms in public for the purpose of self-defense. See Doc. No. 33-1 at 8–14; Doc. No.
33-2 at 7–14. Centuries of British statutes and common law confirm that it was illegal to carry
firearms in public. Doc. No. 33 at 3–4. This was the understanding that prevailed at the time of
the founding and thereafter: hence because constitutional rights “are enshrined with the scope
they were understood to have when the people adopted them[,]”District of Columbia v. Heller,
554 U.S. at 634–5, the Second Amendment does not “at its core” encompass a right to carry an
operable firearm in public.


Rather, the “core” of the Second Amendment right is “the right of law-abiding,
responsible citizens to use arms in defense of hearth and home[,]” id. at 635, not the right to
carry handguns in public. “At its core, the Second Amendment protects the right of law-abiding
citizens to possess non-dangerous weapons for self-defense in the home.” United States v.
Marzzarella, 614 F.3d 85, 92 (3rd Cir. 2010) (footnote omitted); accord United States v.
Masciandaro, 638 F.3d 458, 470 (4th Cir. 2011) (“as we move outside the home, firearm rights
have always been more limited, because public safety interests often outweigh individual
interests in self defense.).


Thus, even assuming some form of public carrying of handguns is protected by the
Second Amendment, it is not at the core of the right, and, accordingly, a court must examine the
strength of the government’s justifications for its regulation, pursuant to intermediate scrutiny.3
See Heller II, 670 F.3d at 1252. The Court here did not do so, ignoring the many, important
public safety and other reasons put forth for the District’s longstanding prohibition, many of
which are unique to the District of Columbia, a state-level jurisdiction with an almost completely
urban makeup that as the seat of the national government is home to the White House, the U.S.
Capitol, dozens of federal agencies, and hundreds of international diplomats and has, over the
years, experienced attempted as well as successful assassinations of Presidents and other officials
of national importance using firearms. These and the other important public safety concerns will
need to be considered by the D.C. Circuit in any appeal, and will present a serious question (even
assuming the Circuit concludes a balancing test is necessary), one that is of first impression in
this Circuit.


The District respectfully disagrees with the Court’s conclusion that “it is beyond dispute
that ‘the prospect of conflict . . . is just as menacing (and likely more so) beyond the front porch
as it is in the living room.’” Doc. No. 51 at 12 (quoting Peruta v. Cnty. of San Diego, 742 F.3d
1144, 1152 (9th Cir. 2014)).4 But the world outside of the home has something that the home

lacks—armed law-enforcement officers whose duty is to preserve public safety. Surely this must

be at least an implicit reason that the Supreme Court determined that the right to self-defense in

the Second Amendment is at its peak in the home. Heller I, 554 U.S. at 635.5
[all emphasis added]


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DC is 69 square miles. About 3 square miles is downtown where all these buildings are clustered. The rest of the town is like any other city.

Good luck with that argument.
 
Didnt I hear or read something recently about a move afoot to make DC an actual state?

There has been a DC statehood movement for many years. Congress has voted it down in the past. However, having a sitting president voice his support for the idea could change things a bit:

“I’m in D.C., so I’m for it,” Obama said to laughter and applause, according to a White House transcript.

“Folks in D.C. pay taxes like everybody else,” he continued. “They contribute to the overall well-being of the country like everybody else. They should be represented like everybody else. And it’s not as if Washington, D.C., is not big enough compared to other states. There has been a long movement to get D.C. statehood and I’ve been for it for quite some time. The politics of it end up being difficult to get it through Congress, but I think it’s absolutely the right thing to do,” Link Removed

It makes sense for dems to support DC statehood. Nearly 77% of DC voters are registered dems, compared with only a little more than 6% repubs:

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(http://www.washingtoncitypaper.com/blogs/housingcomplex/2014/05/16/mapping-d-c-s-party-affiliations-from-republican-georgetown-to-democratic-washington-highlands/).

There are more people in DC who claim no party affiliation (16.47%) than claim repub affiliation (6.02%). Creating a 51st state would give them an absolute lock on DC, a permanent blue state. The implications for future elections would be significant.
 
DC has announced that it is appealing the court decision.

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